Monday, January 31, 2022

A closer look at USDA’s vaccine rate

Presented by Connect The Future: Delivered every Monday by 10 a.m., Weekly Agriculture examines the latest news in agriculture and food politics and policy.
Jan 31, 2022 View in browser
 
POLITICO's Weekly Agriculture newsletter logo

By Ximena Bustillo

Presented by Connect The Future

With help from Meredith Lee and Alex Daugherty

Quick Fix

— Every Agriculture Department agency was at least 95 percent compliant with the federal vaccine mandate by the deadline of Nov. 8,according to data requested by POLITICO. But several key agencies had a notable gap between staff compliance and the real vaccination rate.

— A House-Senate split among GOP ag lawmakers over climate policy has been laid bare by the continued stalling of a bipartisan carbon market bill. The divide could throw a major wrench into efforts to address climate change in the next farm bill.

— Speaking of which, farm bill season will kick off this week with the House Agriculture Committee's first hearing looking ahead to the 2023 reauthorization, starting with a review of current conservation programs. More on what we're watching.

HAPPY MONDAY, JAN. 31! Welcome to Morning Ag, where your host had a furry helper in the writing of this MA! Send tips to xbustillo@politico.com and @ximena_bustillo, and follow us @Morning_Ag.


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Driving the Day


HOW USDA'S VACCINE COMPLIANCE STACKS UP: Agriculture Department staffers across all agencies were between 95 and 100 percent compliant with the federal vaccine mandates by the initial Nov. 8 deadline, according to data requested by POLITICO.


Started from the bottom: As your host previously reported , in total, the agency ranked last among federal departments in terms of compliance rate, which includes both employees who have received the Covid-19 vaccine or have requested an accommodation (that could either be a delay or exemption).


All agencies at the Agriculture Department were between 95 and 100 percent compliant with the federal vaccine mandates by federal deadline of Nov. 8.


The topline numbers are already higher: Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack told House Agriculture Committee members during a hearing earlier this month that 97 percent of employees currently fall under the "compliant" category. Vilsack said that about 600 employees across agencies — or less than 1 percent of the permanent USDA workforce — have failed to indicate whether they are vaccinated or request accommodation.

GOP members have continued to raise concern over the potential decrease in work productivity due to the vaccine mandates, especially across the rural areas that USDA serves. But the department has not removed any non-probationary, permanent employees who are noncompliant with the mandate. "Instead, the department has made concerted efforts to reach out to individuals," a USDA spokesperson told POLITICO.

"Those who are requesting accommodations have simply been asked to put a mask on, to socially distance," Vilsack said during the hearing. "At the end of the day, the work is getting done."

Beneath the numbers: Some agencies showed a much higher compliance rate versus vaccination rate, indicating a significant number of employees seeking accommodations compared to other agencies. The Rural Development office reported a 98 percent compliance rate and an 89 percent vaccination rate. The Forest Service and Agricultural Marketing Service both had 95 percent compliance, compared to an 85 percent vaccination rate.

Most notably, the Farm Service agency reported a 97 percent compliance rate but an 80 percent vaccination rate.

Although vaccination is the Biden administration's goal, compliance is the number that matters in terms of the potential impact on USDA operations. Compliant employees, even if unvaccinated, would not face potential retribution including dismissal.

The high compliance also bodes well for the department's presence, and influence, in rural areas where vaccine rates and access have been much lower. The lowest vaccination rate at the department came from the FSA, but the agency still clocked in at 80 percent, with 2,326 out of 2,919 permanent employees vaccinated — a data point likely to be higher today.

Court appeal holdup: A USDA spokesperson told your host that the department has stopped enforcing the vaccine mandate for employees after a federal judge in Texas issued a nationwide injunction earlier this month. That means the processing of accommodation requests is also on pause.

 

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HOUSE AG GOP STONEWALLS BIPARTISAN CLIMATE BILL: Last spring, Republicans and Democrats on the Senate Agriculture Committee banded together to advance the Growing Climate Solutions Act — which calls for USDA to create certification programs to make it easier for farmers to participate in carbon markets. But since the Senate overwhelmingly passed the measure and sent it over to the House, resistance from House Ag GOP members has stalled the process.

Now, even Senate Republicans are calling on House Democrats to just pass the bill — even if it means a party-line vote in the committee, reports yours truly.

Now, let's be clear: The bill is not facing a complete partisan split in the House. Twenty-nine Republicans, including two Ag panel members, have signed on as cosponsors. Four GOP members signed on as recently as the last two months.

But House Ag ranking member G.T. Thompson (R-Pa.) is not on board, even after meeting with his Senate Ag counterpart, John Boozman (R-Ark.), and bill sponsor Mike Braun (R-Ind.) in an effort to resolve their differences. Thompson said the committee's time and energy is better spent on other matters.

"I do not believe the Senate's changes to the GCSA go far enough to benefit producers," Thompson said in a statement to POLITICO. "We would be better served focusing on the immediate challenges facing farmers such as skyrocketing energy prices, labor shortages and regulatory overreach."

Thompson's buy-in needed: Lawmakers from both parties have suggested that House Agriculture Chair David Scott (D-Ga.) is holding off action on the bill in hopes of getting more Republicans on board, according to two Democratic aides. Some members have been pressing Scott to schedule a hearing or markup, but neither has been placed on the calendar, despite multiple rumors in recent months that a hearing was imminent.

The big picture: The GOP split on this (relatively narrow) carbon markets bill highlights the larger ideological and practical differences between House and Senate Ag members when it comes to climate-related farm policy. Democrats are poised to make climate change a major focus of the upcoming farm bill — a push that could be delayed or stalled by House Ag GOP resistance.


 

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SPEAKING OF THE NEXT FARM BILL: House Ag's conservation subcommittee is meeting this week to kick off early discussions around climate programs and the 2023 farm bill. The hearing, set for Wednesday morning, is expected to "lay the groundwork for what we need to look for in the next farm bill," one Republican aide told MA.

Rep. Abigail Spanberger (D-Va.) heads the conservation and forestry subcommittee and will lead Wednesday's hearing. The meeting will function as a review of current farm bill programs, to debate whether those programs need to be changed as lawmakers begin the upcoming reauthorization process.

Climate tensions: Republicans and Democrats notably have different ideas of how much the Agriculture Department should be involved in helping to fight climate change. Funding for climate-related agriculture programs in the next farm bill is one of the biggest issues that the two sides are expected to clash over in the coming months.

But Spanberger and the subcommittee's ranking member, Doug LaMalfa (R-Calif.), do share a fair amount of common ground on topics they want to address next week, including Forest Service staffing shortages.

What to watch: Expect robust discussions around the Environmental Quality Incentives Program, one of the main tools the Biden administration is using to incentivize farmers and ranchers to adopt more climate-friendly practices. Some Republicans have been critical of how much federal money Democrats say should be spent on such incentives.

Carbon market bill push: Spanberger is also expected to call for the House to pass her Growing Climates Solutions bill.

CALLING FOR H-2A FLEXIBILITY AT THE BORDER: A dozen lawmakers led by Rep. Dan Newhouse (R-Wash.) sent a letter on Friday to Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas asking the department to allow H-2A employers to vaccinate workers upon their arrival, and to work with industry to offer vaccination clinics at U.S. embassies and consular offices in the employee's home country.

ICYMI: The bipartisan letter comes after DHS published a final rule last week that temporarily requires proof of vaccination in order to enter the U.S. through any land or sea ports. The move doesn't include exceptions for essential travel.

"Growth in the number of H-2A employees coming to the United States, coupled with the need to replace employees who leave through general attrition, means that the number of employees who are either unvaccinated or have received unapproved vaccines will be substantial," the lawmakers write.

Worst-case scenario,they say: Even a few days of delay in performing critical, time-sensitive tasks can affect the size and quality of the crop, and the rule could prevent employees from being able to travel to the U.S. to work at all this season.

The American Farm Bureau Federation voiced concern over the rule last week as well. The new regulations took effect Jan. 22 and are set to expire on April 21, unless amended or rescinded.

Meanwhile, up north: A convoy of Canadian truckers calling for an end to vaccine mandates and Covid restrictions is drawing attention on both sides of the border. The trucker convoy has police on high-alert after some supporters called for "civil war," though organizers have urged peaceful protests.


HEITKAMP'S QUICK TURNAROUND: One day after it was announced that former Senate Ag member Heidi Heitkamp (D-N.D.) had joined forces with Mick Mulvaney, who was acting chief of staff to former President Donald Trump, to set up a new lobbying firm, Heitkamp said she was stepping back from the role, per our friends at POLITICO Influence. The firm, Actum, already has a long list of clients including No Kid Hungry.


The reason: In a statement, Heitkamp said she's stepping back due to potential conflicts of interest with her previous work having faced backlash after the initial announcement.

 

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Row crops

— Alcohol producer Constellation Brands has named Jim Sabia as president of its beer division, replacing EVP and president Paul Hetterich as he moves into a chairman role. Sabia most recently served as an EVP and managing director of the beer division.

— The Crop Insurance Coalition, which represents farmers, lenders, ag input providers and conservation groups, sent letters to the Budget and Appropriations committees of both chambers, as well as USDA and OMB, calling for opposition to cuts to crop insurance.

— Texas Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller was among the lineup of speakers at a Texas rally with former President Donald Trump over the weekend. The Texas Tribune has the story.

THAT'S ALL FOR MA! Drop us a line: xbustillo@politico.com; hbottemiller@politico.com; meredithlee@politico.com; gmott@politico.com and pjoshi@politico.com.

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Opinion Today: The danger in trying to quantify suffering

Lessons from the history of American slavery.
Author Headshot

By Aaron Retica

Editor at Large, Opinion

Jamelle Bouie has always depended on the kindness of historians.

So when a new segment of the ongoing data project SlaveVoyages became available, it was natural for him to write about the brilliant people who put it together. The latest addition is a data set that "documents the 'coastwise' traffic to New Orleans during the antebellum years of 1820 to 1860, when it was the largest slave-trading market in the country," as Jamelle writes in his Sunday Review cover story.

There is a lot this data can tell us about the political economy of the slave system as it developed over its centuries-long course, but Jamelle also wants to ask, along with the historians he writes about, "How exactly do we relate to data that allows someone — anyone — to identify a specific enslaved person? How do we wield these powerful tools for quantitative analysis without abstracting the human reality away from the story?"

As Jamelle's editor, I wanted to drill down still further, so I asked him to do a Q. and A. with me. And let me tell you something: I'm glad I'm not the person who had to answer these questions.

You write a lot about works of history in your column. What made you want to talk to living historians here?

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There is obviously a great deal you can learn by reading history. But I think it's also very fruitful to talk to historians, the same way it is fruitful, as a journalist, to talk to any expert. For me, actual conversations are a way to ask questions, clarify ideas and even come to new insights. For this essay in particular, I thought it was important to get on the record thoughts from some of the many scholars who have done important and pioneering work on these questions around data science and the archive. I also just like talking to historians.

In your home state of Virginia and many others, teaching Black history in an, um, non-inspirational way has come under threat. One commenter on your piece noted that your article provided "Critical Race Reality." What is there to say about the movement to foreclose the teaching of history as it actually was?

I don't think it is actually about the history as such. There are certainly people involved in the effort to root out "critical race theory" who are opposed to any teaching or history that doesn't flatter a nationalist narrative of forward progress, or that doesn't hold out the majority of Americans as somehow innocent of the nation's misdeeds. But I'm not sure that this in itself is what animates the movement in question.

I think it has less to do with the content of the history and more with the implications of the history for how we understand ourselves and others. By asking students to inhabit a different mind-set for the sake of understanding the past, history can be a tool for extending our capacity for empathy and understanding. And that empathy can shape the ways we relate to each other in the present. Years of lessons about slavery and civil rights might have primed some number of young people to have an instinctive sympathy with victims of injustice in the present, a sympathy that could lead them to act.

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I think some of this is what happened during the George Floyd protests of 2020 — which saw millions of people, many of them young and white, march in solidarity with Black activists and protesters — and I think the "critical race theory" panic is a rearguard action of sorts against the ideas and cultural forces that produced that solidarity. It's less about education as education, and more about education as a tool for social reproduction, and the fear that the next generation will hold very different ideas about the nature of this country and its hierarchies.

I sometimes say about your work that it shows how much the 19th century has determined what is happening in the 21st. How true do you think that is? What do you say to the many people who argue that we just need to leave all this behind us?

Obviously the past has a powerful influence on the present. But I do not think that it determines the present. When I look at the 19th century, for example, I see Americans struggling with some of the same forces that shape our lives now. I think it's useful to learn about those struggles and see how earlier citizens dealt with some of the problems of this country. That the circumstances are very different means that you can't make a one to one comparison or analogy. But that doesn't mean there's nothing to learn.

As for the people who think we need to leave all of this behind us, I'll refer them to Karl Marx, writing in "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte." "Men make their own history," he wrote, "but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past."

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